What replaced soft money once it was banned by the BCRA of 2002

Enacted in 2002, the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, commonly called the McCain-Feingold Act, is a major federal law regulating financing for federal political candidates and campaigns. The law was designed to address two key campaign finance issues: soft money and issue advocacy.

According to the Congressional Research Service, soft money is "a term of art referring to funds generally perceived to influence elections but not regulated by campaign finance law." Prior to the enactment of McCain-Feingold, this included "large contributions from otherwise prohibited sources, [which] went to party committees for 'party-building' activities that indirectly supported elections." The law prohibited national political parties, federal candidates, and officeholders from soliciting soft money contributions in federal elections.[1][2]

In addition, McCain-Feingold barred corporations and unions from using their treasury funds to finance issue advertisements (sometimes called electioneering communications), which are defined as "broadcast ads referring to clearly identified federal candidates within 60 days of a general election or 30 days of a primary election or caucus." In 2010, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission that this provision was unconstitutional.[1][2]

Legislative history

What replaced soft money once it was banned by the BCRA of 2002

On January 22, 2001, Senators John McCain (R) and Russ Feingold (D) and Representatives Marty Meehan (D) and Christopher Shays (R) held a press conference in which they proposed the bill that would become the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act. Shays introduced the bill (HR 2356) in the United States House of Representatives on June 28, 2001. The bill passed the House on February 14, 2002, by a vote of 240-189. Of the 240 votes in favor of the bill, 198 came from Democrats, 41 from Republicans, and one from an independent. Of the 189 votes against the bill, 12 came from Democrats, 176 from Republicans, and one from an independent. Six members did not vote.[3][4][5]

On March 20, 2002, the bill passed the United States Senate by a vote of 60-40. Of the 60 votes in favor of the bill, 48 came from Democrats, 11 from Republicans, and one from an independent. Of the 40 votes against the bill, two came from Democrats and 38 from Republicans. Although he expressed some concerns with the law as passed, President George W. Bush (R) nonetheless signed it into law on March 27, 2002:[6][7]

This legislation is the culmination of more than 6 years of debate among a vast array of legislators, citizens, and groups. Accordingly, it does not represent the full ideals of any one point of view. But it does represent progress in this often-contentious area of public policy debate. Taken as a whole, this bill improves the current system of financing for Federal campaigns, and therefore I have signed it into law.[8]
—President George W. Bush

Key features

Soft money

According to the Federal Election Commission, the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act "includes several provisions designed to end the use" of soft money in federal elections. Soft money is defined as "money raised outside the limits and prohibitions of federal campaign finance law." Soft money is sometimes referred to as nonfederal money (meaning that the money is not subject to federal law). Specifically, the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act does the following:[9]

  1. prohibits national political party committees from receiving or using soft money in federal elections
  2. prohibits state, district and local political parties from receiving or using soft money for federal election activities; for specified activities, including voter registration drives and get-out-the-vote activities, these parties can use nonfederal funds (called Levin funds)
  3. prohibits federal candidates and officeholders from raising or using soft money for federal election activities

Issue advocacy

See also: Issue advocacy

Issue advocacy refers to political advertising focused on "broad political issues rather than specific candidates." It does not attempt to persuade the public of particular electoral outcomes, but rather seeks to highlight broader political or social issues. Issue advocacy is distinguished from express advocacy, which expressly and clearly supports or opposes a particular electoral outcome. Express advocacy advertisements include "for" or "against" statements. Candidate-supported advertisements, for instance, which expressly state whether to vote for or against a candidate, are by definition express advocacy. Advertisements focused on broader issues, which do not use express statements of support or opposition, are by definition issue advocacy. Issue advertisements may make specific mention of a candidate or official, but such advertisements not explicitly call for the election or defeat of that candidate or official (instead, such ads may urge viewers to contact the named candidate or official).[10][11]

The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act defined issue advertisements as electioneering communications. Electioneering communications are distributed within 30 days of a primary election or 60 days of a general election. The law prohibited corporations and labor unions from funding issue advertisements. This prohibition was struck down by the United States Supreme Court in 2010 (see below for further details).[9]

Contribution limits

The Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act raised contribution limits for individuals and select political committees to federal candidates. Some of these limits were also indexed to inflation; these limits were set to be adjusted during odd-numbered years. These changes are summarized in the table below.[9]

Individual contribution limits under the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act
Recipient Previous limit New limit Indexed to inflation
Candidates $1,000 per election $2,000 per election Yes
State, district, and local party committees $5,000 per year (combined) $10,000 per year (combined) No
National party committees $20,000 per year $25,000 per year Yes
Note: Limits indexed to inflation have risen since the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act was implemented. Consult the Federal Election Commission for current contribution limits.
Source: Federal Election Commission, "Major provisions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002," accessed March 22, 2016

The law also raised aggregate individual contribution limits from $25,000 per year to $95,000 every two years. This aggregate limit was indexed to inflation. Aggregate individual contribution limits were struck down by the United States Supreme Court in 2014 (see below for further details).[9]

Subsequent developments

Federal Election Commission v. Ted Cruz for Senate

See also: Federal Election Commission v. Ted Cruz for Senate

On May 16, 2022, the United States Supreme Court held that a federal law limiting the monetary amount of post-election contributions a candidate could use to pay back personal campaign loans impermissibly limited political speech and violated the First Amendment. Section 304 of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA) capped personal loan repayment using post-election campaign contributions at $250,000. Writing for the 6-3 majority striking down the law, Chief Justice John Roberts stated, "By restricting the sources of funds that campaigns may use to repay candidate loans, Section 304 increases the risk that such loans will not be repaid. That in turn inhibits candidates from loaning money to their campaigns in the first place, burdening core speech."[12] Justices Clarence Thomas, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett joined Chief Justice Roberts in the majority. Justice Elena Kagan filed a dissenting opinion, joined by Justices Stephen Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor.

Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission

What replaced soft money once it was banned by the BCRA of 2002

See also: Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission

On January 21, 2010, the United States Supreme Court ruled that the First Amendment right to freedom of expression applies to corporations; thus, the government cannot limit political spending by corporations. Justice Anthony Kennedy penned the majority opinion, which was joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Antonin Scalia.[13][14]

Although the First Amendment provides that “Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech,” §441b’s prohibition on corporate independent expenditures is an outright ban on speech, backed by criminal sanctions. It is a ban notwithstanding the fact that a PAC created by a corporation can still speak, for a PAC is a separate association from the corporation. Because speech is an essential mechanism of democracy—it is the means to hold officials accountable to the people—political speech must prevail against laws that would suppress it by design or inadvertence.[15][8]
—Justice Anthony Kennedy

The court upheld requirements for disclaimer and disclosure by the sponsors of political advertisements. The court also sustained the prohibition against direct contributions by corporations to candidates.[16]

McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission

What replaced soft money once it was banned by the BCRA of 2002

Chief Justice John Roberts

See also: McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission

On April 2, 2014, the United States Supreme Court ruled that biennial aggregate contribution limits were unconstitutional. The Federal Campaign Act of 1971 and the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act imposed biennial aggregate contribution limits on campaign donors, limiting the total amount donors could contribute to federal candidates in a two-year election cycle. At the time of the court's ruling, an individual could donate no more than $123,000 total to federal candidates in a two-year election cycle. In a 5-4 decision, the court struck down this cap. Chief Justice John Roberts, writing for the court's majority, reaffirmed the federal government's right to place certain limits on campaign contributions "to protect against corruption or the appearance of corruption." He added, however, that the federal government can only limit contributions to prevent "quid pro quo" corruption.[17]

Spending large sums of money in connection with elections, but not in connection with an effort to control the exercise of an officeholder’s official duties, does not give rise to quid pro quo corruption. Nor does the possibility that an individual who spends large sums may garner 'influence over or access to' elected officials or political parties.[8]
—John Roberts

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See also

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 Congressional Research Service, "The State of Campaign Finance Policy: Recent Developments and Issues for Congress," August 5, 2015
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 Federal Election Commission, "Appendix 4: The Federal Election Campaign Laws: A Short History," accessed September 23, 2015
  3. Congress.gov, "Final Vote Results for Roll Call 34," February 14, 2002
  4. USA Today, "Passage ends long struggle for McCain, Feingold," March 30, 2002
  5. The Atlantic, "Making Sense of McCain-Feingold and Campaign Finance Reform," July/August 2003
  6. United States Senate, "U.S. Senate Roll Call Votes 107th Congress - 2nd Session - Passage of H.R. 2356," accessed March 22, 2016
  7. The American Presidency Project, "Statement on Signing the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002," March 27, 2002
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 funds Federal Election Commission, "Major provisions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002," accessed March 22, 2016
  10. PBS, "Issue Ads," accessed February 12, 2015
  11. Brennan Center, "Express Advocacy and Issue Advocacy: Historical and Legal Evolution of Political Advertising," accessed February 12, 2015
  12. U.S. Supreme Court, Federal Election Commission v. Ted Cruz for Senate, decided May 16, 2022
  13. Slate, "Money Grubbers: The Supreme Court kills campaign finance reform," January 21, 2010
  14. The New York Times, "Justices, 5-4, Reject Corporate Spending Limit," January 21, 2010
  15. Supreme Court of the United States, "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission: Opinion," January 21, 2010
  16. National Journal, "Court Unlikely To Stop With Citizens United," January 21, 2010
  17. Oyez.org, "McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission," accessed September 24, 2015